Gaza's Quicksand

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright January 6 2009
All Rights Reserved.                    

         Looking for a way out, Israel finds itself sinking in Gaza, unable to flush out Hamas militants deeply imbedded in the civilian population.  Like its month-long 2006 fiasco with Hezbollah in Lebanon, Israel finds itself with no good options, other than ending its 11-day incursion into the Gaza Strip.  Israel knows the territory well after controlling the area since the 1967 War.  Without Israel seizing the territory from Egypt, Palestinians would have no coastal Mediterranean land to claim as their territory.  Before 1967, Palestinians claimed not one inch of territory, spreading its people over parts of Lebanon, Jordan, Syria, Egypt and Israel.  With elections slated for next month, Israel’s incursion plays into a tumultuous political scene.  Acting Prime Minister Tzipi Livini, Defense Minister Ehud Barak and Likud Party leader Benjamin Netanyahu all hope for the best.

            Calls from the U.N. for an “immediate ceasefire” were met with an ambiguous response from the White House.  “We would like an immediate ceasefire absolutely,” said State Department spokesman Sean McCormack.  “An immediate ceasefire that is durable, sustainable and not time-limited,” the opposite conditions set by Hamas.  President George W. Bush blamed Hamas for firing rockets into Israel’s southern border, starting the latest fracas.  Insisting on a “durable, sustainable and not time-limited” ceasefire makes a settlement impossible.  Hamas has no intension to making peace with Israel.  When Israel took out paraplegic Hamas founder Sheikh Ahmed Yassin March 22, 2004, it didn’t bode well for future peace.  Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice has been frustrated working toward a peace deal ever since Hamss seized Gaza June 15, 2007 by force.

            Unlike Mahmoud Abbas and the Palestinian Authority, Hamas’ Gaza leader Ismail Haniyeh shows no interest in compromises or peace with Israel.  Backed by the White House, Abbas is seen by as a sellout by Hamas for talking peace with Israel.  Hamas wants nothing short that a return of Palestinian land seized by Israel during its 1948 War of Independence.  While Abbas is willing to accept the West Bank and Gaza for the future Palestinian State, Haniyeh—and his Damascus-exiled leader Khaled Mashaal—seeks nothing short of ending Jewish rule.  Haniyeh has sway over militants coordinating rocket attacks inside Gaza.  For the past six months, militants respected a truce, refraining from firing rockets.  Israel hopes to soften up Hamas, forcing U.N. peacekeepers into the region.  Unlike the war with Hezbollah, Israel seems reluctant to engage Hamas on the ground.

            President-elect Barack Obama has been very careful not to undermine Bush’s authority to conduct foreign policy until the day he leaves office.  While there may be differences in tone between Bush and Obama, there’s no indication of a substantive policy change.  When Hillary takes over the State Department, she’ll be bound by the same post-Sept. 11 policy that makes it impossible for the U.S. to deal or negotiate with terrorists.  Hamas has its reasons for firing rockets into Israel.  They seek more balance from the U.S. but can’t accept changes in the U.S. since Sept. 11.  Hamas wants to continue defining itself as “freedom fighters” but can’t accept the reality that the U.S. won’t permit the same good-cop-bad-cop tactics, permitting terrorists to pressure Israel into concessions.  White House officials insist on ending rocket fire, arms smuggling, etc. before a real ceasefire.

            Allowing Israel to continue degrading Hamas’ military capabilities won’t change basic facts on the ground in Gaza:  Hamas is the duly elected government and heavily imbedded into the civilian population.  Rooting out Hamas is like taking H20 out of water.  Israel knows it can’t scour Gaza’s civilian population of Hamas militants because they voted for and support Hamas’ political power.  “The end of this week at the earliest, more likely next week,” speculated and unnamed diplomat about the prospect for ending the current conflict.  Like Hezbollah, Hamas believes it looks stronger, the longer Israel continues to pound Gaza.  Regardless of its effect on civilians, Hamas latest uprising scores points inside Gaza, especially with Islamic extremists.  Stretching out the conflict only makes Hamas look stronger, having taken Israel’s best shot and somehow managing to survive.

            Before Sept. 11, Palestinian militant groups held some sympathy in the State Department.  It’s a different story today trying to justify any form of terror—no matter how justified—to achieve political ends.  Hamas can continue the fight against Israel and face a cold shoulder inside the U.S. or join Abbas in accepting new post-Sept. 11 realities.  No U.S. administration can tolerate terror to achieve political objectives, especially in the Middle East where the U.S. continues a shadowy battle against Islamic extremists responsible for Sept. 11.  While everyone wants an end to the current Palestinian uprising, there’s little tolerance for lawlessness.  Hamas must face the music or cease to represent Palestinians seeking a two-state solution with Israel.  Barack may be a fresh face but he won’t tolerate terror as a means of winning political concession in Gaza or elsewhere.

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news.  He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.

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