Democrats' Civil War

by John M. Curtis
(310) 204-8700

Copyright January 2, 2005
All Rights Reserved.

efore Democrats were left holding the bag on Nov. 2, the power grab had already begun inside the Party. Reeling from a stinging defeat, Democrats took a searching inventory, trying, but with no guarantees, to figure out what went wrong in campaign ‘04. Kerry couldn't reconcile warring factions between mainstream liberals reflected by Sen. Ted Kennedy (D-Mass) and civil rights activists Revs. Jesse Jackson and the Rev. Al Sharpton and “New Democrat” centrists embodied in current Democratic National Committee Chair Terry McCaulliffe, former President Bill Clinton and Sen. Joe Lieberman (D-Conn.). Former Party nominee Sen. John F. Kerry couldn't decide where he stood on Democrats' culture war. Former Democratic candidate Vt. Gov. Howard Dean now battles the Clinton-dominated DNC for the future of the Party, including who becomes its heir apparent.

      President Bush's stunning 3.5-million vote margin rocked the Party establishment, still scratching heads over what went wrong. Today's squabbles represent real confusion over which direction the Party should take in ‘08. Party insiders—especially centrists connected to the Democratic Leadership Council—are actually debating whether to switch gears on abortion, something once thought unthinkable. Such ideas threaten to doom the party the next time around. Kerry—a liberal Roman Catholic—couldn't get out a coherent message on abortion or anything else, leading to muddled answers on the stump. Exit polls showed that “family values” topped the priority list on voters' minds. Family values often translates directly into candidates' views on abortion. Seeking to head the DNC, Dean believes that Democrats must stop imitating Republicans.

      Democrats have always stood for choice, especially about abortion. Dean believes changing core Democratic values hurts the party by further erasing distinctions with the GOP. Democrats can't compete with pro-lifers or, for that matter, the Christian right. With Bush seeking to scale back Medicare and Social Security, Dean sees a huge opportunity for Democrats to rediscover Roosevelt's “New Deal,” Kennedy's “New Frontier” and Johnson's “Great Society.” Dean's antiwar rhetoric catapulted him to frontrunner before sinking in Iowa. Kerry's ascendancy was directly related to McCaulliffe's corporate-oriented DNC with values rooted more in Wall Street than labor unions. Dean thinks liberal clarity would have worked better against Bush. Dean's battle for control of the DNC has less to do with ideology than changing a Clinton-locked establishment.

      Moving Democrats to the center assures that President Bush can hand his mantle over to his more moderate brother, Florida Gov. Jeb Bush. While Jeb will no doubt get pressured by the right, his experience in Florida has taught him how to govern from the center. Unlike “Dubya,” Jeb has no aversion to raising taxes, aligning himself much closer to his father, former President George H.W. Bush. Sending Jeb to South Asia with retiring Secretary of State Colin L. Powell sends a loud signal that the President has already picked his successor. Turning the DNC to the right plays into the GOP's hands, erasing any meaningful differences with Democrats. If Clinton's people hang onto the DNC, it's going to be difficult competing with right wing Republicans. Dean offers passionate liberal rhetoric, contrasting sharply with the White House's right wing philosophy.

      Watching the GOP capture the White House and Congress should send a loud message to DNC leadership. Clinton-supporters, especially those pushing for Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton (D-N.Y.) to run in '08, seek anyone other than Dean to head the DNC. They argue Kerry fell short because he was too liberal. Yet Kerry himself admitted that his message was too clumsy and inarticulate. Whether that can change the next time around is anyone's guess. If the current DNC has its way, Hillary will be the Party's next nominee. For Kerry to get another shot, Dean will have run the DNC. As long as the Clinton's control the DNC, the centrist Democratic Leadership Council will set the agenda. Unlike her husband Bill, the DNC's going to have a hard time selling Hillary as a moderate. Republicans will have a field day painting her as a hardcore leftist.

      Dangerous riptides at the DNC say much more about power-struggles than political ideology. With his 20-plus years in the U.S. Senate, Kerry didn't have a prayer selling himself as a moderate. Kerry's brand of liberalism seems out-of-sync with vast regions of the country, euphemistically called the “red states.” His lack of charisma also added to his demise. Unlike Kerry, Dean oozed charisma and passion. Despite his liberal leanings, he would have given Bush a better run for his money. As long as the Democratic Party gets hijacked by Michael Moore, political action committees like MoveOn.org and other leftist groups, it's going to be difficult selling the Party—or its candidates—to mainstream voters. Looking ahead, Democrats must find their roots, hone their message and avoid imitating Republicans. Whether you like him or not, Dean offers the clearest voice.

About the Author

John M. Curtis writes politically neutral commentary analyzing spin in national and global news. He's editor of OnlineColumnist.com and author of Dodging The Bullet and Operation Charisma.


Home || Articles || Books || The Teflon Report || Reactions || About Discobolos

This site designed, developed and hosted by the experts at

©1999-2002 Discobolos Consulting Services, Inc.
(310) 204-8300
All Rights Reserved.